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A Brief Typology and Chronology of Corinthian Transport Amphoras

Carolyn G. Koehler

Note: this article was originally published in Russian in the collection Greek Amphoras (Saratov 1992). We are grateful to the editors, V.I. Kats and S.Iu Monakhov, for permission to reproduce it here. The text is the English text submitted for publication, with some corrections.

Corinth is now recognized as one of a number of Greek city-states known to have made and exported the large, coarseware jars used for the storage and transportation of commodities in bulk.[1] Corinthian amphoras are not mentioned in the ancient literature, but archaeological evidence has made possible the identification of as many as three classes that can be linked with that ancient emporium. Two of these, termed Corinthian A and A', which are related in style, in their method of manufacture, and sometimes in fabric, have been securely attributed to Corinth. There is some evidence that the third class, known as Corinthian Type B, was also produced at Corinth, although the Corinthian colony of Corcyra seems to have manufactured at least some jars in this series. Here follows a summary definition of each type and a chronological outline of their development in shape, with general indications of their distribution.

Type A

Plate 1

Type A amphoras grew out of the tradition at Corinth that produced large, globular storage jars in the Geometric period.[2] By the end of the 8th century B.C., the Corinthian A jar is distinguishable from other containers by its elongated, cylindrical toe and its vertical handles, which made it maneuverable. The class is also characterized visually by a roughly spherical body, a broad, flat rim, and heavy handles (Pl. 1:a-c, Pl. 2:a). Until the end of their production about 300 B.C., Corinthian A jars were largely hand-built, which seems to be exceptional for transport amphoras in the Archaic and Classical periods.[3]

Throughout its period of manufacture, the fabric of Corinthian A is strikingly uniform and can easily be recognized by its reddish color and large, angular inclusions. It is very hard, sometimes almost vitreous, with an extremely fine clay matrix containing quartz silt and chert.[4] Most often the core is gray (5YR 6/1) with outer reddish layers (2.5YR 6/6 to 7.5 YR 7/6), but the cross-section can be all red or all gray.[5] External surfaces are usually a lighter pinkish-orange (7.5YR 7/4 to 7/6). In the second half of the 4th century (and sometimes earlier), a wash of an iron-rich material was painted or wiped on the exterior and occasionally on the upper neck interior in striking swirls of deep red or dark gray.[6]

The numerous and distinctive red and gray inclusions in Corinthian A fabric, which average 1--2 mm. in size, have been identified by petrological analysis as mudstone and tuffite containing microfossils of radiolaria. Such inclusions have also been identified in roof tiles found in kilns at Corinth, as well as in terracotta sculptures and local coarsewares such as perirrhanteria and hydriai. The sources of this temper have been located in the immediate vicinity of ancient Corinth, including prominent outcrops on Acrocorinth.[7]

Corinthian A jars accompanied the numerous other exports shipped from Corinth to the west during the period of Greek expansion in the later 8th and 7th centuries B.C. In fact, the chronology of the beginning stages of shape for Type A depends chiefly upon examples excavated at coastal settlements around southeast and central Sicily and in Magna Graecia. Most of these have been recovered from cemeteries, where such containers were frequently reused as cinerary urns or as coffins for infants. Jars found with grave offerings of Protocorinthian pottery at Schirone near Metaponto and at Gela establish the Corinthian A amphora series as one of the first produced in Greece.[8]

The next stage of development is represented by a Type A jar found in a stratified well deposit of the third quarter of the 7th century (Pl. 1:a).[9] Considerable skill and care were expended in precise trimming of rim and bevelled cap toe, qualities which marked the many diverse products of the Corinthian ceramics industry which flourished at this period. Amphoras very like this one appear at Camarina on the southeastern coast of Sicily at the time of its foundation a quarter of a century later and other jars from the Archaic cemetery there indicate the evolution in shape of Type A throughout the 6th century B.C.[10]

Other finds at Corinth mark sixth-century stages in the trend toward a more sharply curving body, a narrower toe and neck, and a less massive rim.[11] By the beginning of the 5th century, these tendencies result in the slightly flattened shoulder of the small Type A amphora from a well in the Athenian Agora (Pl. 1:b).[12] Its cylindrical toe is distinct in profile from the body, and its handles are slightly pinched at the top, so that their section is no longer round but increasingly ovoid. Larger counterparts of this amphora were widely exported throughout the Greek world in the later 6th and early 5th centuries, as finds from Gela to the Elizavetovskoe settlement on the Don demonstrate.[13]

In the first quarter of the 5th century, the upper surface of the horizontal Type A rim begins to slant down (Pl. 1:c); by the mid-fifth century, the handles, now more sharply pinched at the top, are occasionally stamped at the base with a palmette.[14] The generally spherical shape of the body on Type A jars continues to the end of their manufacture at the close of the 4th century (Pl. 2:a).[15] Immediately recognizable characteristics of such jars are a peg toe (which provides a firm grip for lifting) and a heavier, overhanging rim which rests on the spiny top edge of the handles. In section the handles are triangular or teardrop-shaped at the top and round or slightly oval at the bottom. A palmette is sometimes stamped at the base of one or both handles in the second half of the 4th century; occasionally a single letter or monogram appears on the upper flat side of either handle.[16] Nearly all Corinthian A jars known of the 5th and 4th centuries have been found at Corinth.

Type A'

Plate 2

Corinthian Type A' (Pl. 2:b, c) was isolated as a distinct class of amphoras when numerous fragmentary examples were excavated in a fifth-century establishment at Corinth known as the Punic Amphora Building.[17] Type A' can be differentiated from Type A in the ovoid shape of its body and, particularly after the middle of the 5th century, in its fabric. It shares with Type A, however, an overall similarity of shape and in particular the broad, sloping rim; the method of construction by hand; and, before the mid-fifth century, sometimes also the same clay and/or mudstone inclusions.[18] Appearing alongside Corinthian A at least by the early 5th century B.C., Type A' continued through the 4th century and apparently replaced Type A in the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. It seems to have functioned largely as an export container, ending up, like Corinthian A jars in an earlier period, primarily in Sicily and Magna Graecia.

Generally speaking, Type A' jars are related in fabric to most of the common types of Corinthian ceramics; with the exception of some in the earliest decades of their production, they are made of fine yellow clay and the usual inclusions after the mid-fifth century are fine quartz sand, chert, and lime.[19] The surface of Corinthian A' jars is light pink to light yellow (ranging from 10YR 8/2 to 10YR 8/3 to 7.5YR 7/4) and exhibits no treatment beyond the final wiping or smoothing. In cross-section the color is generally pink (5YR 8/4 to 7.5YR 7/4); often there is an outer layer of the same color as the surface.

Corinthian A' jars show some evolution of form, although after the middle of the 5th century the lack of well dated excavation contexts and the profusion of variations makes it hard to establish a clear linear development.[20] In the later 5th and the 4th centuries, the slope of the overhanging rim gradually steepens, as on contemporary Type A jars. The neck narrows and the high shoulder broadens (Pl. 2:b). Handles are curved in plan and round in diameter, decreasing in size toward the bottom. Stamps on the handles are infrequent in this period, but there are a few, some similar to those found on Type A.[21]

In the beginning of the 3rd century, the production of Type A' seems to have expanded, even as that of Corinthian A ceased. Numerous fragments of such amphoras which were found (together with Type B jars) in a shipwrecked cargo at Stentinello near Syracuse and another at Savelletri near Brindisi suggest extensive Corinthian exports in the first half of the 3rd century B.C. and show further stylistic evolution.[22] The point of maximum diameter on the ovoid body of Corinthian A' has dropped to the center; the cap toe is conical. Gradually the slant of the rim steepens and acquires a bevel at about its midpoint. The latest pieces from the Savelletri cargo, which are similar to a jar from Corfu (Pl. 2:c), demonstrate that by the middle of the 3rd century the collarlike rim is nearly vertical, the neck flared toward the bottom, and the toe enlarged, with compound curve in profile. Stamps occur rarely and include three names.[23]

Type B

Plate 3

Corinthian Type B amphoras are marked by a more or less ovoid body, a flaring rim, and vertical, arched handles (Pl. 3, Pl. 4). These jars were manufactured from about 525 to at least the late 3rd century and probably into the 2nd century B.C. Type B jars were exported primarily to the west, and are found at many sites where Type A and A' jars have been recovered.

Corinthian B fabric is generally light in color and fine in texture. Petrological analysis has shown that throughout their production Type B jars were made predominantly of the yellow clay that characterizes most Corinthian ceramics; surface and interior are usually light pink to light brownish yellow (5YR 8/4 to 7.5YR 7/4). After the third quarter of the 4th century, however, some appear instead in a fabric that is similar to the first but light reddish-brown in color (2.5YR 6/6). Inclusions are mostly small ones of quartz and chert, with no mudstone or tuffite; small voids or pores are often noticeable in cross-section.[24] The surface of jars made from yellow clay is finished simply by wiping or smoothing, but the reddish-brown jars of the first half of the 3rd century are usually covered with a pale buff slip.

Originally the Type B series was tentatively assigned by Virginia Grace to the Corinthian colony of Corcyra.[25] An ancient source that has come down to us as part of the Aristotelian corpus describes a centralized market in northern Greece to which merchants come from the Pontus with Lesbian, Chian, and Thasian goods, and others from the Adriatic with Corcyraean amphoras.[26] The relatively small number of Corinthian B jars and stamped handles found on Corfu and in the waters around it were candidates for the class to which he referred, since very few amphoras of any other type had been excavated on the island. Nevertheless, although Kerkuraikou\s a'mforei=s indicates that the type was associated with Corcyra, it does not exclude that the jars so named could have been manufactured elsewhere as well. Other evidence links the Type B series to Corinth, where increasing numbers of them have been excavated in the past two decades. Type B jars found at Corinth document the whole range of development of the series and, at 416 inventoried pieces, outnumber any other contemporary amphora type found at Corinth (including even the Corinthian A and A' series, of which the inventoried examples at Corinth together total 324). Analysis by neutron activation has in fact matched the fabric of Type B jars with that of other Corinthian pottery.[27]

More recent analyses using optical emission and Mössbauer spectroscopy have separated Type B jars into two fabric groups on the basis of (respectively) chemical composition and the nature of the iron in the clay. Those results linked some of the test group of amphoras with the control group of coarsewares from Corinth, as had the neutron activation study, but they also matched other Type B jars with coarse pottery made on Corfu. The two techniques did not assign individual jars to the same group in every case, but the general conclusion was clear: at least some Corinthian B jars were made in Corcyra from the Archaic period through the early 3rd century, at the same time that they were being produced in Corinth.[28]

The two groups of Type B amphoras established by physico-chemical analyses can not be distinguished either stylistically or petrologically; further evidence is needed for a complete explanation of the manufacture of the Corinthian B series.[29] Very recent excavations in a potters' quarter on Corfu offer direct evidence for the attribution of at least some Corinthian Type B jars. A large area with several kilns has revealed quantities of fragments and kiln wasters of Type B amphoras which date from the second half of the 5th to the mid-third centuries B.C.[30] This does not rule out the possibility that Type B jars were also made at Corinth. In any case, the many examples from shipwrecks and other sites show that Corinthian A, A' and B jars were often shipped together; the network of distribution, at the least, seems linked to Corinth. Until the relationship of Corinth and its colony of Corcyra in the matter of production and export of these containers can be more fully explained, it seems best to retain the current nomenclature for the series.

Amphoras of the Corinthian B series exhibit a quite regular evolution of profile. Numerous jars and fragments dated by context at both Corinth and Athens attest the shape of the earliest Type B jars, which belong to the last quarter of the 6th century B.C. (Pl. 3:a).[31] Already several characteristics of the class are clearly defined: the rounded, outward-thickened rim, the ridge or offset band around the top of the neck, and the arching, vertical handles. About 480 B.C., the cylindrical toe becomes smaller and the rim flared; by the middle of the 5th century the body is ovoid and the toe a conical cap (Pl. 3:b).[32] Such jars were exported to many sites in Greece and also in the west.[33]

Plate 3

From this point on, the body of Corinthian B amphoras gradually lengthens and narrows, following a tendency general for most transport amphoras throughout the Greek period. From the beginning of the 4th century, the toe is formed together with the body and continues its line, although initially it is articulated by a deep groove (Pl. 3:c).[34] By the end of the 4th century, neck and handles are taller, and the elongation of the body is even more pronounced (Pl. 4:a).[35] Often a wide band of shallow grooves accentuates the broad, high shoulder, possibly the impression made by a girdle of sticks as the vessel dried.[36] The upper neck, still with a ridge or groove (or two) around its top, is oval and the flaring rim is pinched where it rises over the handles, so that in plan view it often resembles a figure-eight.[37]

The still more exaggeratedly piriform body of the jar in Pl. 4:b can probably be dated toward the end of the first quarter of the 3rd century B.C., since it seems to be a slightly later stylistic stage than the 18 Type B jars from a deposit buried in the destruction of Gela in 280 B.C.[38] Its shoulder slopes somewhat more, and the rim, although still flared, is more compact and has an almost triangular section. The latest of the Corinthian B necks from the Stentinello wreck are approximately contemporary with the important group at Gela; somewhat later still and datable to the second quarter of the 3rd century are the pieces from the shipwreck at Savelletri.[39] These and other groups in the west show that the period of greatest export of Corinthian B amphoras was in the latter part of the 4th and first half of the 3rd century B.C.[40] On the Corinthian B jar tops from Savelletri, the rim shortens to a roll, above which the heavy handles arch, and the toe develops a slight bulge at its tip. At about the middle of the 3rd century, the point of maximum diameter drops well below the shoulder, as illustrated by the biconical body on an intact find in Patras from the sea (Pl. 4:c).[41]

Not much later there is a major, perhaps abrupt, change in Corinthian B jars: The shoulder becomes less angular and the neck smaller in proportion to the whole body, with a small rim that is semi-circular in section. Most strikingly, the handles now lose their arch and attach below the rim.[42] Examples of this latest stage in the development of Type B have appeared recently in excavations at Corinth but cannot be dated more closely than the mid-third to second century B.C.; presumably their production ceased when the Romans under Mummius sacked the city in 146.

Stamps appear on some Corinthian B jars primarily after the middle of the 4th century, impressed either on the top of the curve of the handle or at its lower attachment. More jars seem to have been stamped in the late 4th and early 3rd centuries; for instance, 8 of 18 Type B amphoras in the deposit at Gela bear stamps. Some 400 different dies are known. Generally, single letters, ligatures, or simple monograms were impressed on the top of a handle or at its base, but small pictorial devices were also popular.43 These are likely to be potter's marks, but their significance remains uncertain. Dipinti, nearly always in red and showing one to three letters, a ligature, or a monogram, occur with some regularity.

There is little mention of commodities that might have been carried in the jars of these three series; wine and oil are the most obvious candidates. The reputation of Corinthian wine suggests that it would have been exported strictly as vin ordinaire: Athenaeus quotes Alexis, a poet of Middle Comedy, as despising Corinthian wine as hard (sklhro/s)--torturously bad, in fact: oi'=nos ceniko\s parh=n: ta\ ga\r Kori/nqia basanismo/s e'sti.[44] (Corcyraean wine, on the other hand, is mentioned in the Deipnosophistae as taking aging very well: xarie/statos d' oi'=nov ei's palai/wsin o` Kerkurai=ov.[45])

Analyses using gas chromatography have not to date identified organic material representing the original contents of A, A' or B amphoras. A very tentative hypothesis or two may be suggested, however. It is possible that Corinthian B carried wine, since Type B jars were coated on the interior with a resinous substance which kept the liquid from soaking into the porous fabric of the container, a practice known to have been used for jars that carried wine or semi-liquid contents (but not oil).[46] In turn, the fabric of Type A jars can be associated with that of oil-carrying lekythoi, lamps, and other vessels of the 5th and 4th centuries made at Corinth of blisterware, a clay related to that of Type A.[47] Certainly the hardness of blisterware vessels and of Corinthian A jars was well adapted to withstand erosion caused by oil, and their impermeable walls would not have required any lining.[48] Type A' jars, on the other hand, were permeable and would have had to be coated with resin, beeswax or some other substance that would not have spoiled the contents. No trace of a lining on Corinthian A' amphoras is known.

Direct measurements of capacity have been taken for together nearly 200 jars of the three Corinthian types.[49] For some amphora classes in some periods a size or series of sizes can be recovered, but sizes have not been recovered for Corinthian A and A'.[50] Type A jars are on the whole much larger than those of other Greek amphora series; in all periods they held various amounts, the smallest about 18 liters, the largest 70, and the majority above 40. Type A' jars range in size from roughly 18 to 50 liters. With Corinthian B amphoras, however, the results have been more promising. Their span for the entire period of production is 19.3 to 27.6 liters, with some jars of a much smaller size, but for the early 3rd century Corinthian B jars seem to have achieved a certain intended size. Ten jars at Gela from the deposit in the Via Polieno (see above) which were measured with water held a mean of 25.0 liters +/- one standard deviation of 0.995 liter. Further measurements of chronological groups of intact Corinthian A, A' and B amphoras, when these are available, will determine whether there were "normal" sizes for Type A and A' jars as well, and for Type B jars in other periods.

Corinthian amphoras furnish important evidence about the economics and trade not only of Corinth but of the wider Greek world as well. I.B. Brashinskii and I.B. Zeest have shown that they formed at least some part of exports to the Black Sea and other areas to the northeast of the Greek mainland. Corinthian jas have not been identified hitherto in any great amount in these regions, but it is hoped that this survey will help to bring about an assessment of their role in such trade.


I thank the Texas Antiquities Commission for permission to reprint as Pls 1--4 here figs 1 and 2 from C.G. Koehler, "Evidence around the Mediterranean for Corinthian Export of Wine and Oil," in J. Barto Arnold, III, ed., Beneath the Waters of Time: The Proceedings of the Ninth Conference on Underwater Archaeology, Texas Antiquities Committee Publication 6 (Austin 1978) pp 231--239 (referred to below as Koehler 1978). I am very grateful to M.B. Wallace for useful comments on earlier versions of this paper.

The results of the author's study of Corinthian amphoras first appeared as Corinthian A and B Transport Amphoras (Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University 1978). In updated form the full work will soon appear as Corinthian Transport Amphoras.

The following, with the short references used when they appear in this article, are interim publications on various aspects of the topic: "Corinthian Developments in the Study of Trade in the Fifth Century," Hesperia 50 (1981) 449--458 = Koehler 1981; "Amphoras on Amphoras," Hesperia 51 (1982) 284--292 = Koehler 1982; P.B. Vandiver and C.G. Koehler, "Structure, Processing, Properties and Style of Corinthian Transport Amphoras," in W.D. Kingery, ed., Technology and Style Ceramics and Civilization 2 (Columbus, Ohio 1986) 173--215 (Vandiver and Koehler 1986); I.K. Whitbread, The Application of Ceramic Petrology to the Study of Ancient Greek Transport Amphorae, with Special Reference to Corinthian Amphora Production (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Southampton 1986) = Whitbread diss.

C. Pfaff, "A Geometric Well at Corinth: Well 1981-6," Hesperia 57 (1988) pp 21--80, at 29--31, traces the development of the coarseware storage amphora in the Geometric period at Corinth. See also Koehler 1981, p 451, pl 98:a (where for C-1962-162 read C-1972-162).
Corinthian A bodies and rims were always shaped by hand (as Geometric pots had been), and so also the necks until the second half of the 4th century, when they began to be thrown on the wheel (Vandiver and Koehler 1986, pp 182, 187).
Whitbread diss., pp 339--343. For a brief summary of the petrological analyses of Corinthian amphoras, see I.K. Whitbread, "The Characterisation of Argillaceous Inclusions in Ceramic Thin Sections," Archaeometry 28 (1986) pp 79--88, at pp 84--86; idem, "The Application of Ceramic Petrology to the Study of Ancient Greek Amphorae," in Empereur, J.-Y. and Garlan, Y., eds., BCH Supp 13, Recherches sur les Amphores Grecques (Paris 1986) pp 95--101, at pp 97--100.
Alphanumerical descriptions in parentheses are taken from the Munsell Soil Color Charts (Baltimore 1975).
Semiquantitative surface analysis using non-destructive x-ray fluorescence spectrometry, undertaken in 1976 by R.E. Jones of the Fitch Laboratory, British School at Athens.
Whitbread diss., pp 339--343, analysis of Type A; pp 363--378, other Corinthian ceramics. Location of temper, M. Farnsworth, "Corinthian pottery: Technical Studies," AJA 74 (1970) pp 9--20, at 9--11; Whitbread diss., pp 389--391.
Koehler 1981, p 451, pl 98:b; D. Adamesteanu, La Basilicata Antica: Storia et monumenti [Cava dei Tirreni] (Di Mauro 1974) p 112 and photograph p 113, left, of an amphora from the necropolis at Schirone (Policoro); idem, "Predio La Paglia [Gela]. Nuovi ritrovamenti nella necropoli archaica," NSc 10 (1956) pp 281--288, at pp 285--286, fig 6 and Koehler 1978, fig 3a. There are numerous other exports of Corinthian jars, but here and in the notes that follow only a few representative examples with published illustrations can be cited.
C-1962-644: D.A. Amyx and P. Lawrence, Corinth VII, ii. Archaic Corinthian Pottery and the Anaploga Well (Princeton 1975) nr An 306, pp 157--158, pls 79, 110 and Koehler 1981, p 451, pl 98:c; cf. nrs An 288, 290, and 304, on pp 154, 155, 157, pls 80, 81, 110. For a contemporary vessel of large size, see P. Orlandini, "Villa Garibaldi, Nuovi retrovamenti nella necropoli arcaica," NSc 10 (1956) pp 291--316, at pp 291--293, fig 5:a.
Thanks go to P. Pelagatti, then Superintendent of Antiquities for Eastern Sicily, for making it possible for me to examine jars at Camarina in 1974 and 1979 and to mention them.
Jar of the 580s or 570s, C.K. Williams, II, "Corinth 1977, Forum Southwest," Hesperia 47 (1978) pp 1--39, nr 1, pp 5, 8, 34, pl 1 and Koehler 1981, p 452, pl 98:d; jar of the second quarter of the 6th century, E. Brann, "A well of the `Corinthian' period found in Corinth," Hesperia 25 (1956) nr 59, pp 365--366, pl 58 and Koehler 1981, p 452, pl 98:e.
P 12795: V.R. Grace, Amphoras and the Ancient Wine Trade rev. ed., Agora Picture Book 6 (1979) fig 35, left; Koehler 1981, p 452, pl 98:f.
D. Adamesteanu, "Scoperta di tomba greche in Via Francesco Crispi," NSc 14 (1960) pp 137--151, at p 141, fig 6:b; Tomb 4 contained a miniature Corinthian skyphos dated to the early 6th century (ibid, fig 7:b, p 137) which could, according to D.A. Amyx, belong to the second half of the 6th century as well (personal communication). Exports to Elizavetovskoe: I.B. Brashinskii, "New evidence of Greek imports in the Lower Don, according to materials found in the Elizavetoskoe townsite and cemetery," Brief Communications of the Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R 124 (1970) pp 12, 16--18; I.B. Zeest, Pottery Containers of the Bosporos (Moscow 1960) p 71, fig 1:5.
C-1937-2037: M.T. Campbell, "A Well of the Black-Figure Period at Corinth," Hesperia 7 (1938) pp 557--611, nr 201, pp 605--606, fig 27; Koehler 1981, p 454, pl 98:g. For a jar of the mid-fifth century, see M.Z. Pease, "A Well of the Late Fifth Century at Corinth," Hesperia 6 (1937) 257--316, nr 200, p 303, fig 34; Koehler 1981, p 454, fig 1:d, pl 98:h.
Other jars of the second half of the 4th century: S.S. Weinberg, "A Cross-Section of Corinthian Antiquities (Excavations of 1940)," Hesperia 17 (1948) 190--241, nr E 13, p 233, pl 85; H.S. Robinson, "A Sanctuary and Cemetery in Western Corinth," Hesperia 38 (1969) nr 2, p 9, pl 2.
Fourth-century Type A stamps are illustrated, e.g., in B. Adamsheck, Kenchreai: Eastern Port of Corinth IV. The Pottery (Leiden 1979) nr Gr 82, p 32, pl 9 (monogram) and C.K. Williams, II, "Corinth 1978: Forum Southwest," Hesperia 48 (1979) 105--144, nrs 60--62, pp 135--136, pl 51 (palmettes).
Koehler 1981, pp 454--458, fig 1:c, pl 99:g.
Whitbread diss., pp 343--347, 355--356, 375. A further bit of evidence linking the two series is the stamp on the handle of a mid-fifth-century Corinthian A jar which illustrates the contemporary A' amphora (Koehler 1981, p 457, pl 99:i).
Early A' jar, Campbell 1938 (note 14 above), nr 203, pp 605--606, fig 27. A' jars of the mid-fifth century: Pease 1937 (note 14 above), nr 199, p 303, fig 34 and Koehler 1981, pp 454--455, fig 1:b, pl 99:h (where for Metaponto read C-34-932); F.G. Lo Porto, "Metaponto: Scavi e ricerche archeologice: 5. La Necropoli," NSc 20 (1966) pp 186--231, at p 210 and fig 61:2 on p 207 (fig 61:1 shows a Type A jar of the late 6th/early 5th century); I.B. Brashinskii, Greek Ceramic Imports on the Lower Don in the V--III Centuries B.C. (Leningrad 1980) pl XXII:10; see also note 17 above.
For published impressions of an astragal on Type A, see M.-T. Lenger, "Timbres amphoriques trouvés à Argos," BCH 79 (1955) 484--508, nr 81, pp 503--4; on A', Kenchreai IV (note 16 above), nr Gr 83, p 33, pl 9. Palmettes and a monogram that may be read ADR or DRA are also known on both Corinthian A and A' jars (cf. note 16 above).
G. Kapitän, "Il Relitto Corinzio de Stentinello nella Baia de S. Panagia (Siracusa)," Sicilia Archeologica 9 (1976) 87--103, at 90--91, figs 4, 5; cf. Koehler 1978, fig 3:d. G. Kapitän, "A Corinthian Shipwreck at Savelletri (Brindisi, Apulia, Italy)," International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 2 (1973) 185--186, fig 1; cf. Brashinskii 1980 (note 20 above), pl XXII:7, 8.
'Apelle/a is the only name appearing more than once; it occurs on 11 handles, one published: J.G. Milne, Greek Inscriptions, Catalogue général des Antiquités Egyptiennes du Musée du Caire 18 (Oxford 1905) nr 26112, p 124.
Whitbread diss., pp 347--356; I.K. Whitbread, BCH Supp 13, pp 97--99.
V.R. Grace apud C. Boulter, "Pottery of the mid-fifth century from a well in the Athenian Agora," Hesperia 22 (1953) pp 59--115, at pp 108--109, s.v. nr 166.
De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus 104, p 839b,8. It is thought not to be the work of Aristotle, but "to have emanated from the Peripatetic School" (W.S. Hett, trans., Aristotle, Minor Works The Loeb Classical Library [Cambridge 1963] p 233).
M. Farnsworth, I. Perlman, and F. Asaro, "Corinth and Corfu: A Neutron Activation Study of their Pottery," AJA 81 (1977) 455--468. This study resulted primarily in the assignment to Corinth of painted pottery found on Aegina and considered by some to be local. Coarseware samples were also analyzed, although at that point (the early 1960's) the extent of the problem of attributing Type B amphoras had not been defined. These neutron activation data can be reliably applied to this question, however, since control and test groups sampled on Corfu and at the Athenian Agora for those analyses were examined by the present author, re-sampled where possible, and re-tested by spectroscopic methods for comparison (cf. note 28 below).
R.E. Jones, Greek and Cypriot Pottery: A Review of Scientific Studies, Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper 1 (The British School at Athens 1986) pp 115--121, 176--189, and especially 712--720, with 739.
Whitbread diss., pp 358, 405.
K. Preka, "Ergasth/rio kerameikh/s sto Figare/to Kerku/rav," abstract for the paper read at the conference, "Les ateliers du potier dans le monde grec aux époques géométriques, archai\"ques et classiques" held in Athens, October 1987; publication of the same title, F. Blondé and J. Perrault, eds. (forthcoming 1990). I thank J. Perrault for the reference. Analyses of some of this material are planned for the near future.
C-1937-2042: Koehler 1981, pp 452--454, pl 99:a; Campbell 1938 (note 14 above), nr 192, pp 604--605, fig 27. Cf. ibid, nr 193, pp 604--605, fig 27; Grace 1979 (note 13 above), fig 35, bright jar in left foreground and S.R. Roberts, "The Stoa Gutter Well: A Late Archaic Deposit in the Athenian Agora," Hesperia 55 (1986) pp 1--72, nr 415, p 65, fig 41, pl 18. Early fifth-century examples, ibid, nrs 416, 417, pp 65--66, fig 41, pl 18; Koehler 1981, pp 452--454, pl 99:b.
C-1975-69: C.K. Williams, II, and J.E. Fisher, "Corinth 1975: Forum Southwest," Hesperia 45 (1976) pp 1--162, nr 27, pp 106--107, pl 19; Koehler 1981, p 454, fig 1:a, pl 99:c.
W. Gauer, Olympische Forschungen 8. Die Tongefässe aus den Brunnen unterm Stadion-Nordwall und im Südost-Gebiet (Berlin 1975) p 124, pl 20:4 (pls 20 and 21 illustrate Corinthian A, A' and B jars of various periods). Small versions: Pease 1937 (note 14 above), nr 201, p 303, fig 35; Boulter 1953 (note 25 above), nr 107, p 93, pl 34 (cf. nrs 164, 166, pp 107--108, pl 40).
C-1972-118: C.K. Williams and J.E. Fisher, "Corinth 1972: The Forum Area," Hesperia 42 (1973) nr 27, p 25, pl 11. See also ibid, nr 28, p 25, pl 11 (toe missing); Koehler 1982, nr 17, pp 291--292, pl 79.
P 6395: Grace 1979, fig 42, left. See also Koehler 1982, nrs 18 (19) p 292, pl 79.
Vandiver and Koehler 1986, pp 195, 199, fig 30.
Koehler 1982, nr 1, p 290, pl 79; later example, SS 10048 in Koehler 1978, fig 3:e (note stamp; profile, retouched for publication, shown in V.R. Grace, Small Objects from the Pnyx II Hesperia Supp 10 [Princeton 1956] p 167, pl 74, lower left).
P. Orlandini, "Deposito di anfore ellenistiche in Via Polieno [Gela]," NSc 10 (1956) pp 355--357, figs 1, 2.
Kapitän 1973 (note 22 above), fig 2; Kapitän 1976 (note 22 above), fig 3 and Koehler 1982, nr 4, p 290, pl 79.
A.J. Parker, "The evidence provided by shipwrecks for the ancient economy," Thracia Pontica III. Les Thraces et les colonies grecques, VII--V s. av. n. è, Sozopol, 6--12 Octobre 1985 (Sofia 1986) pp 30--45, at pp 40, 44, citing idem, "Relitto di una nave corinzia a Vulpiglia (Siracusa)," VI Congreso Internacinal de Arqueologia Submarina, Cartagena 1982 (Madrid 1985) pp 117--126; Koehler 1982, nr 10, p 291, pl 79; S. G. Miller, "Menon's Cistern," Hesperia 43 (1974) pp 194--245, nr 52, p 236, pl 33 (note stamp); Robinson 1969 (note 15 above), nrs 3, 9, pp 11--13, pl 2; Koehler 1982, nr 20, pl 79 (for 21 on plate read 20) and Koehler 1978, fig 3f.
Koehler 1982, nr 21, p 291, pl 79 (for 20 on plate read 21); cf. Koehler 1982, nrs 14, 22, pp 291--292, pl 79. The Patras jar is dated by parallels from Corinth Well 1981--2 (upper filling, to end of the first half of the 3rd century B.C., C.K. Williams, II and O.H. Zervos, "Corinth 1981: East of Theater," Hesperia 51 [1982] pp 115--163, at pp 120--124).
C. Vatin et al., Médéon ed Phocide V. Tombes Hellenistiques, Objects de Métal, Monnaies (Paris 1976) p 22, fig 24 (the amphora would lower the date there given to Tomb 115); B.G. Kallipolitis, Praktika 17 (1960) pp 134--135, pl 98:a, second from right.
Some illustrated examples: A-M. and A. Bon, Les timbres amphoriques de Thasos. Etudes thasiennes 4 (Paris 1957) nr 2253, p 512; Robinson 1969 (note 15 above), nrs 10, 11, p 13, pl 2; Kenchreai IV (note 16 above), nrs Gr 84--96, pp 33--36, pls 9, 10; Orlandini 1956 (note 38 above); see also notes 37, 40 above. A number of stamps depict a Type B jar contemporary with the series: Koehler 1982, nrs 1--16, pp 284--291, pl 78.
Deipnosophistae I, 30f.
Ibid, 33b.
The lining from Corinthian B pieces found at Carthage has been analyzed by C.W. Beck of Vassar College and found to be pine rosin; full publication of results is forthcoming but see S.R. Wolff, "Carthage and the Mediterranean: Imported amphoras from the Punic commercial harbor," Cahiers des Etudes Anciennes 19 (1986) pp 135--153, at p 143, fig 3. For amphora linings, see C.G. Koehler, "Handling of Transport Amphoras," BCH Supp 13 (see note 4 above), pp 50--52.
Whitbread diss., p 331; G.R. Edwards, Corinth VII, iii. Corinthian Hellenistic Pottery (Princeton 1975) pp 145--146.
Vandiver and Koehler 1986, pp 204--205.
These were taken wet and dry using methods developed by V.R. Grace and set forth in B.L. Johnson, C.G. Koehler, P.M.W. Matheson, and M.B. Wallace, "Measuring Amphora Capacities," submitted to the Journal of Field Archaeology.
For a brief history of measuring amphora capacities, see M.B. Wallace, "Progress in Measuring Amphora Capacities," BCH Supp 13 (see note 4 above), pp 87--94, at pp 87--88. Chian capacities are summarized in ibid, p 88 with note 4; see also V.R. Grace and M. Savvatianou-Pétropoulakou, Exploration archéologique de Délos 27. L'Ilot de la Maison des Comédiens (Paris 1970) p 360, note 4. For Rhodian, see Wallace BCH Supp 13, pp 89--91 and P.M.W. Matheson and M.B. Wallace, "Some Rhodian Amphora Capacities," Hesperia 51 (1982) pp 293--320, at pp 297--298.

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